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Weighty Argument Favors Quitting on E-cigarettes

A study published in the journal Nature has found those who quit or cut down on smoking using electronic cigarettes are less vulnerable to weight gain than those who don't vape during cessation, according to a story by Guy Bentley for The Daily Caller relayed by the TMA. The randomized controlled trial conducted by Dr. Riccardo Polosa and colleagues at the University of Catania, Italy, examined changes in body weight over a year in 300 regular smokers in Catania who were invited to quit or reduce consumption with the help of electronic cigarettes. The trial found that while cigarette quitters gained more weight than those who did not quit at week 12 and week 24, there were no significant differences in weight gain among the quitters and non-quitters at 52 weeks, suggesting that by switching to electronic cigarettes, smokers "may limit their post-cessation weight gain, with substantial reversal in weight gain being manifest at late time points". The authors noted that 80 percent of smokers who quit experienced post-cessation weight gain and that this was one of the most significant causes of relapse. In the trial, the researchers compared weight changes among those who used high, medium and zero nicotine strength electronic cigarettes. Electronic cigarettes made the quitting process "easy, spontaneous and painless" for the participants, and also seemed to 'improve cognitive effects during tobacco abstinence', the authors added. They noted, however, that the trial's sample size was small and that their findings could be specific to the particular electronic cigarettes they tested. The electronic cigarette they used in the study was Categoria model 401 with 0.13 percent nicotine, 0.09 percent nicotine and 0 percent nicotine, provided by the Arbi Group. They emphasized the need for more research in the area.


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  • Weighty Argument Favors Quitting on E-cigarettes
    Weighty Argument Favors Quitting on E-cigarettes

    A study published in the journal Nature has found those who quit or cut down on smoking using electronic cigarettes are less vulnerable to weight gain than those who don't vape during cessation, according to a story by Guy Bentley for The Daily Caller relayed by the TMA. The randomized controlled trial conducted by Dr. Riccardo Polosa and colleagues at the University of Catania, Italy, examined changes in body weight over a year in 300 regular smokers in Catania who were invited to quit or reduce consumption with the help of electronic cigarettes. The trial found that while cigarette quitters gained more weight than those who did not quit at week 12 and week 24, there were no significant differences in weight gain among the quitters and non-quitters at 52 weeks, suggesting that by switching to electronic cigarettes, smokers "may limit their post-cessation weight gain, with substantial reversal in weight gain being manifest at late time points". The authors noted that 80 percent of smokers who quit experienced post-cessation weight gain and that this was one of the most significant causes of relapse. In the trial, the researchers compared weight changes among those who used high, medium and zero nicotine strength electronic cigarettes. Electronic cigarettes made the quitting process "easy, spontaneous and painless" for the participants, and also seemed to 'improve cognitive effects during tobacco abstinence', the authors added. They noted, however, that the trial's sample size was small and that their findings could be specific to the particular electronic cigarettes they tested. The electronic cigarette they used in the study was Categoria model 401 with 0.13 percent nicotine, 0.09 percent nicotine and 0 percent nicotine, provided by the Arbi Group. They emphasized the need for more research in the area.

  • Why US Big Tobacco Lobbies for E-Cigarettes
    Why US Big Tobacco Lobbies for E-Cigarettes

    In the Golden State, home to healthy living, progressive politics and one of the lowest smoking rates in the nation, cigarettes can seem like a relic of the past, barred long ago from restaurants, bars and even some city parks. And yet within the walls of California's high-domed capitol, tobacco companies continue to wield surprising power. After a recent loss on a slate of tobacco-control bills headed to the governor's desk, they are gearing up for a bigger test looming at the ballot this fall. With money to spend, they have threatened to sabotage a planned ballot measure to raise the cigarette tax. The battles aren't just in California. Despite the tobacco industry's tarnished public image, it is operating a powerful and massive influence machine in statehouses from Salt Lake City to Topeka. With a playbook crafted nearly 20 years ago, the tobacco firms use direct lobbying, third-party allies and "grassroots" advocacy campaigns to spread model legislation and mobilize smokers against proposed regulations and tax hikes across the country. And they are taking up the mantle to defend a burgeoning electronic cigarette market as well. Today, tobacco companies maintain some of the most extensive state lobbying networks in the country, totaling hundreds of lobbyists. Altria Group Inc. and Reynolds American Inc., which control the vast majority of the American tobacco market, are among just 21 entities that had registered lobbyists in every state at one point from 2010 through 2014, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of lobbyist registrations collected by the National Institute on Money in State Politics. They've also given at least $63 million to state candidates, committees and ballot initiatives nationwide over the past five years. Their chief opponents, the American Cancer Society and American Heart Association, also have similarly broad lobbying networks, but the health associations have given hardly any money to state politicians. With such extensive reach, tobacco companies have continued to fight off the simplest means of cutting smoking rates: higher taxes. Out of 24 states to propose higher cigarette taxes last year just eight passed increases, according to a tobacco industry group. And only Nevada, with a $1-per-pack hike, raised them by more than 50 cents. Health groups say incremental tax hikes of less than $1 are much less effective at cutting smoking rates because tobacco companies can easily counteract them with rebates and discounts. E-cigarettes are the newest front in this multi-faceted war. While the Food and Drug Administration has announced plans to regulate e-cigarettes, for now it remains up to states to impose any regulations or taxes on the emerging products. So far, e-cigarette taxes have passed in only four states, while proposals have been defeated in at least 21 others. The tobacco industry, which is increasing its share of the new market, has also won language in at least 19 states in recent years making it harder to regulate and tax e-cigarettes under existing anti-smoking laws. David Sutton, a spokesman for Altria, the parent company of Philip Morris, said his firm is generally opposed to taxes on its products and becomes politically active where necessary. Reynolds declined to answer specific questions for this article, pointing instead to its website, which says the company engages in lobbying and makes lawful political contributions to protect the interests of its business. "The tobacco companies never give up," said Stanton Glantz, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco's Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education. "They're like the Borg," the indomitable alien horde of Star Trek lore. 'Where tobacco bills go to die' Nowhere has the tobacco fight been bigger, or more expensive, than in California, which has attracted at least two-thirds of tobacco companies' state-level political donations since 2011. Public health advocates in the state say tobacco companies have used a potent combination of campaign contributions and behind-the-scenes lobbying to win enough friends in key places. The strategy is most apparent on the Assembly's Governmental Organization Committee, which oversees an odd combination of issues, including public records, state holidays, gambling, alcohol and tobacco. Its chairman, Assembly member Adam C. Gray, a Democrat from Merced who has served on the committee since 2013, has accepted $88,100 in political contributions from Altria and Reynolds since he began campaigning for office in 2011, far more than any other member of the Legislature. The two companies have directed some $390,000 in total to members who sat on that Assembly committee, a quarter of the money they've given to all legislative candidates and their committees in California over that period. The large amount of money given to its members has prompted some to call it the "Juice Committee." Health advocates call it "the committee where tobacco bills go to die." The committee has watered down or killed nearly every major tobacco bill that's come through it in recent years, anti-smoking advocates say, including a recent attempt in July to regulate e-cigarettes. In an unusual move, an identical e-cigarette bill and five other tobacco measures were reintroduced in a special session the following month to allow the legislation to sidestep Gray's committee. They passed the Legislature this month, the first significant tobacco control bills to pass since the 1990s, a marked blow to the usually successful tobacco industry. "Money has no influence on what goes on with policy. It just doesn't," Gray said. "Raising money to get into elected office is a component of what we have to do... And frankly, I'm a pretty aggressive fundraiser." Lawmakers and other Sacramento insiders point out that the direct contributions, which are subject to strict limits, are minimal compared to the money spent by independent political groups, which can raise and spend unlimited sums to support or oppose candidates as long as they do not coordinate with the candidates. Tobacco companies have given some $4.8 million to such independent political committees and parties in California since 2011, nearly three times as much as they gave directly to candidates. "We provide contributions to candidates and elected officials who, in their work legislatively are at work on issues that have an impact on our business," said Sutton, the Altria spokesman. Altria and Reynolds have also spent some $5.4 million on lobbying in California since 2011. By comparison, the health groups that supported stronger tobacco regulation have spent some $2.7 million over the same period, though they lobby on many other issues as well. "There's a reason people spend money on that," said Gary Winuk, who served for six years as the state's lobbying and campaign finance enforcement officer before leaving for private practice last year. Winuk began his career working for a lawmaker on the Governmental Organization Committee decades ago, and said it was the behind-the-scenes maneuvering and power plays he saw there that made him want to work for the state ethics agency. Preserving tobacco's role In 1999, R.J. Reynolds, now a division of Reynolds American, produced a memo describing a strategy to "preserve the company's role and participation in U.S. commerce." The document, archived at the University of California, San Francisco, included the company's state lobbying objectives, chief among which was a plan to hire lobbyists in "as many states as possible," as the company's first "line of defense." Next was a commitment to make "appropriate political contributions and support key trade groups and allies," adding, "there is an old saying in politics. 'Money talks and bullshit walks'... It is especially true when dealing with tobacco issues." The third component of the lobbying strategy was to "execute grassroots mobilization of trade groups, smokers and other allies." Nearly two decades later, the company is still using the same roadmap. And smoking continues to be the leading cause of preventable deaths, killing nearly half a million Americans every year, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Reynolds and Altria employed a team of more than 450 state lobbyists in 2014, together retaining representatives everywhere but Nevada, according to an analysis of state records and data collected by the National Institute on Money in State Politics. They've also continued to work through trade organizations and advocacy groups. When Kansas Gov. Sam Brownback proposed an increase of $1.50 per pack for traditional cigarettes last year to help fill a budget gap, Reynolds hired David Kensinger, who had served as the Republican governor's chief of staff until leaving to work as a lobbyist in 2012. Weeks earlier, Kensinger was among a select group of insiders who received advance copies of Brownback's proposed budget, which included the tax hike, before lawmakers did, according to The Wichita Eagle. Both Kensinger and Reynolds declined to comment on what happened. Reynolds reported buying more than 350 meals for public officials and giving e-cigarettes to four House members in Kansas last year, according to state lobbying records, while Altria spent $283,000 on advertising and other outreach. Meanwhile, a group called Citizens for Tobacco Rights, an advocacy campaign run by Altria, blasted emails to its members, in one instance urging them to fight the tax by posting messages on the Facebook pages of their lawmakers. It's a standard tactic of the group, which claimed to have generated more than 33,000 phone calls and 52,000 emails and letters to legislators in 2014. Lawmakers eventually approved a tax increase of only 50 cents. Kansas continues to struggle with a $46 million budget deficit this fiscal year. Protecting a smokeless future Reynolds, too, has its own "grassroots" advocacy campaign, called Transform Tobacco. And as the name suggests, a new product is increasingly drawing the company's focus. The e-cigarette was invented in 2003 in China and started appearing in the US not long after. It's gained an enthusiastic community of users, and by 2013 some 20 million adult Americans reported trying e-cigarettes, which vaporize a liquid such as propylene glycol mixed with flavorings and usually nicotine, the key addictive chemical in cigarettes, generally derived from tobacco. E-cigarettes come in a huge range of varieties. One major brand charges about $10 for a disposable sleek black pen-like device that lasts about as long as two packs of cigarettes. But many "vapers" use so-called mods or tanks, bulkier refillable devices that can cost anywhere from $30 to well over $100. Users then buy separate vials of "e-juice," with names like Cinnamon Crumble and Unicorn Milk, which typically sell for about $20 per 30-milliliter vial. Related: Public Health Experts Say Tobacco Industry Up to Old Tricks in Pushing E-Cigarettes Sales of e-cigarettes in the US reached $3.3 billion last year, according to Wells Fargo Securities, and may surpass those of traditional cigarettes within a decade. While tobacco companies still control less than half of this market, they've begun buying up or starting their own e-cigarette brands in recent years, rapidly increasing their share. Reynolds, a leader in the e-cigarette market, has promoted model legislation that says explicitly that e-cigarettes are not tobacco products. The Center for Public Integrity obtained a template copy of the model language that was circulated at one of dozens of youth tobacco prevention "dialogues" that Reynolds has held around the country in recent years for local health officials and advocates. The company offered to pay as much as $1,000, plus lodging, to those who attended, according to invitations the Center obtained. So far, such model language has passed in at least 19 states, written into laws banning sales to minors. At least 11 of those passed laws that pull nearly verbatim from the Reynolds template, while at least eight others have enacted similar language that health groups say was promoted by Lorillard Tobacco, which Reynolds bought last year. Pennsylvania and Michigan, the only states that do not prohibit sales to minors, have two bills pending with similar language. Although Reynolds' model language asserts that e-cigarettes are not tobacco products, the company's own website describes its VUSE e-cigarette as exactly that. The most immediate effect of the bills is to protect e-cigarettes from existing tobacco control programs and taxes. E-cigarette proponents say the alternate definitions are warranted because the products do not burn tobacco. But health groups warn that the definitions pushed by the industry will harm the public. "You build this infrastructure for regulating e-cigarettes on a faulty promise that they're somehow a healthy product," said Timothy Gibbs, a lobbyist for the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network in California and a chief shepherd of the tobacco control bills there. "While the scientific consensus is that they may be safer than traditional cigarettes, that doesn't mean they're safe." It seems likely that "vaping" is less harmful than smoking. The question is by how much. The Centers for Disease Control says e-cigarettes "generally emit lower levels of dangerous toxins" than cigarettes, but can also release carcinogenic compounds and heavy metals. The agency says that e-cigarettes could provide a public health benefit if they lead smokers to quit. But it suggests that isn't happening - about three-quarters of e-cigarette users also smoke cigarettes - and the products may be harmful if they prolong smokers' addiction. State Sen. Mark Leno, a Democrat who sponsored the recently approved California bill that defines e-cigarettes as tobacco products, said their popularity among youth - some 2.4 million middle and high school students were using e-cigarettes nationally in 2014 - means the devices present a new health crisis. He likens today's fight to what happened with smoking in the mid-20th century, when tobacco companies began a decades-long campaign to discredit the emerging science showing the lethal and addictive qualities of cigarettes. "They knew 50 years ago what they were doing," Leno said. "And they're doing it again today." Reynolds declined to answer questions about the model legislation or the dialogues, pointing instead to a company webpage that explains its "transforming tobacco" initiative, which promotes youth prevention programs and argues that smoke-free products, including e-cigarettes, can reduce "the death and disease caused by cigarettes." Health advocates say the company has insidiously used this campaign in its efforts to win legislation protecting e-cigarettes from harsher regulation. Altria declined to answer whether it has lobbied in favor of the language. Vapers fight back In California, the full weight of state government has gotten behind a campaign to rein in e-cigarette use. Last year, the state public health department warned of the dangers of the product and recommended strict regulations, launching a website and ad campaign called Still Blowing Smoke. This month, with passage of Leno's bill, the Legislature took a big step in that direction. Yet the state has met formidable resistance not just from the tobacco industry but also from a fledgling industry of smaller e-cigarette manufacturers and retailers backed by a passionate movement of vapers. Mobilized around the country, these e-cig aficionados have protested in Salt Lake, circulated petitions in Washington state and flown to the nation's capital to push their position with congressional leaders. Within hours of the launch of the state's Still Blowing Smoke campaign last March, for example, another website called NOT Blowing Smoke popped up, using a similar font and logo but blasting the department for peddling misinformation. Stefan Didak, a 44-year-old software engineer and co-president of the Northern California chapter of the Smoke-Free Alternatives Trade Association, a vaping industry group, had learned that the health department was planning the campaign and spent 36 hours holed up in his home office, a dark room with an array of 12 monitors, 14 computers and a plastic rack holding dozens of e-cigarettes.In a savvy guerrilla tactic, he beat the department to registering social media accounts, so the Still Blowing Smoke Facebook page and Twitter handle lead to content by NOT Blowing Smoke. "Yeah, that was fun," Didak said from his home in Oakley, a city on the eastern edge of the Bay Area. Didakwore a black NOT Blowing Smoke T-shirt and held a black mod e-cigarette, the type preferred by hard-core vapers. The blinds were drawn and the air held the faint sweet odor emitted by his mod, which he sucked on periodically, blowing out thick clouds of "ripe strawberry shortcake" flavored vapor. SFATA Executive Director Cynthia Cabrera says her group was not affiliated with the counter-campaign. The association hired lobbyists in Sacramento to oppose Leno's bill and has urged Gov. Jerry Brown, a Democrat, to issue a veto. Didak said that bill would drive small vape shops and liquids manufacturers out of the state - or out of business - by applying the various licensure and regulatory requirements that apply to tobacco. As someone who quit cigarettes thanks to vaping, he said that restricting the industry would harm public health. Didak and other vapers stress that they are not "big tobacco" and that SFATA does not receive money from tobacco companies. "We don't regard them as part of us," Didak said. In coming months, however, they'll be on the same side. A bold threat Whether Brown signs Leno's e-cigarette bill, part of the package of six tobacco measures the Legislature passed this month, an expensive fight looms in California's freewheeling ballot initiative process. A coalition of health and labor groups, with support from liberal billionaire Tom Steyer, is currently gathering signatures for a ballot initiative that would hike the state's cigarette tax by $2 and levy an equivalent tax on e-cigarettes. At 87 cents, California's current tax is well below the national average. Yet that effort may be in jeopardy.

  • North Korea Cracks Down On Smoking But Kim Jong Un Still Puffs Away
    North Korea Cracks Down On Smoking But Kim Jong Un Still Puffs Away

    North Korea said on Wednesday a campaign was helping to cut the number of smokers, although its leader Kim Jong Un is frequently seen with a cigarette in hand in photographs in state media. The government has cut the total area planted with tobacco "as much as possible" and health warnings are required on cigarette packs, the North's official KCNA news agency said. "The number of non-smokers is remarkably increasing with each passing day," KCNA said, adding the number of male smokers was 8 percent lower in 2013 compared with four years earlier. The news agency made no mention of leader Kim's habit and the fact that he is frequently seen with a cigarette in hand in public, including at an event where he declared success in miniaturizing a nuclear warhead while standing next to a large object that looked to be a ballistic missile. Kim's father, Kim Jong Il, was also believed to be a heavy smoker, seen puffing on a cigarette on state media in 2009, a year after he was thought to have suffered a stroke, despite claiming several years earlier to have quit. The elder Kim died in December 2011 of a heart attack while on a train, the North's state media said. 

  • US: Calif. Governor Signs Bill Increasing Age to Buy Tobacco to 21
    US: Calif. Governor Signs Bill Increasing Age to Buy Tobacco to 21

    Gov. Jerry Brown has signed the bill increasing the legal age to buy tobacco in California to 21, as well as four other tobacco related measures regulating e-cigarettes and smoking in the workplace, CBS Sacramento reported. Supporters of the age change said it was intended to deter adolescents from the harmful, sometimes fatal effects of nicotine addiction. The Institute of Medicine reports that 90 percent of daily smokers began using tobacco before turning 19. In April, Hawaii became the first state in the nation to raise the legal smoking age to 21. More than 100 local jurisdictions around the country have made the change, including New York, Chicago and San Francisco. Sen. Ed Hernandez, D-Azusa, author of the bill to raise the legal age, expects other states to follow California's lead. "It's going to send a shockwave across the country," Hernandez said. Anyone who gives tobacco or tobacco paraphernalia to someone under 21 could be found guilty of a misdemeanor crime, under the new law. It goes into effect June 9. "It is long past due for California to update our approach to tobacco, and with the Governor's signature on these life-saving bills, we have done just that," said Steven Larson, MD, MPH, president of the California Medical Association, in a statement. Veterans' organizations and Republican lawmakers in California objected to the bill, saying people old enough to die for their country are old enough to use tobacco. The California proposal stalled for six months until lawmakers agreed to retain the 18-year-old tobacco age for military personnel and passed it in early March. The Institute of Medicine reported in March 2015 that increasing the smoking age to 21 would immediately deter 15 percent of people 18-20 from taking up a lasting tobacco habit. The study, conducted at the request of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, found that raising the minimum smoking age above 20 "will mean that those who can legally obtain tobacco are less likely to be in the same social networks as high school students." Brown, a Democrat, also signed bills to regulate electronic cigarettes, set annual tobacco license fees, push for all charter schools to be tobacco free and expand existing requirements for tobacco-free workplaces to include small businesses, break rooms and hotel lobbies. He vetoed a bill that would have allowed local governments to establish tobacco taxes. Brown was out of public office when California became the first state in the nation to ban smoking in public places in 1995 then to expand the law in 1998. He did not chime in publicly on 1998, 2006 or 2012 ballot initiatives that sought additional fees on cigarettes. Then-mayor of New York Michael Bloomberg donated $500,000 to support the 2012 initiative, which was heavily outspent by tobacco interests and narrowly defeated. Altria, the parent company of Philip Morris, gave $54,000 to Brown's 2014 re-election campaign. Anti-tobacco groups are collecting signatures to raise cigarette taxes from $0.87 per pack to $2. They notified state officials in February that they've collected at least 25 percent of the 535,407 signatures they'll need to place the question on the November ballot.

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